다른사람잘난것빼앗아서극상보지사랑받고칭찬인기명예얻고부귀영화부귀호사은전받고극상보지물처먹고장군위엄여유받아챙기고점잖고高踏하며우린그런淺薄함을모르는사람이라고주장표현하지만원본심은남의잘난것빼앗아서극상보지사랑받고칭찬인기명예얻고부귀영화부귀호사은전받고자미쳐발광발악하는놈박종권이가목격관찰한놈이재용이건희外 - 이게 원본심 원본색 원본래인데, 내가 목격관찰한 바로는 거의 100% 지구인놈들이 전부 그렇고, 아플레이아데스놈들도 거의 100%이고, 다만 아틀란티스 같은 경우는 거의 없고 그렇다. 하지만 요 새끼들이 그 누구도 현실에서는 아주 점잖고 예의바르고 그런 천한 생각없고 항상 공정하고 정당하고 그런 것에 전혀 관심이 없는 놈으로서 행세한다. 그러나 분명히 내가 목격관찰한 바로는 거의 100%가 이런 놈들이다. 그래서 내가 그들의 원본심을 그대로 표현하면, 또 요 새끼들이 나를 보고 싸가지가 없는 놈이라느니 시건방진놈이라느니 시비를 걸고 때려죽이려고 덤벼들고 그와 동시에 내가 가진 아주 잘난 것들 제일 좋은 것들을 마구잡이로 빼앗는데, 이 빼앗은 것들을 제놈들 패거리들에게 나눠주고 이러한 사실에 대해서 아는 상태를 싹 지운 다음에 새롭게 만든 맵, 매트릭스 혹은 다음 주기의 세상으로 이동한 다음 전원 그런 사실자체를 기억하지 못하게 만들고 들어가서 전생 전신 위전생 이중전생 등을 하는데, 분명히 그게 내 능력이고 내 실력이고 내 잘난 것들이었는데도 이 시기로 오면 전부 그게 내가 잘난 것이고 너는 도대체가 뭐하는 놈이냐 라고 되묻고 아예 무시묵살하고 우습게 취급하고 짓뭉개는 짓을 하는것이 이 새끼들 술수 수법이다. 게다가 제일 좋은 것을 빼앗긴 놈은 죽인다 죽여서 기억을 제거하고 다시 전혀 딴 놈을 만들거나 그 사람이 살기 시작한 어린 시기로 보내는데, 기억을 삭제당하고 아무 것도 모르는 놈을 만드는 술수로서, 원본래는 그 자신이 잘난 것이 많았는데, 어느 순간 가장 하급으로 전락되고 어느 순간 아주 우스운 천민 수드라로 전락하여 이유없는 멸시하대를 당하고 주먹질 발길질을 당하는데 이게 지구의 현실이고, 인간류사람류에 대하여 파충류12족, 안드로메다은하계계열놈들 아플레이아데스놈들 그리스신화에 등장하는 이른바 올림피안이라고 불리는 놈들의 전가의 보도술수이다. 이러한 짓을 자행하는 놈들에 대해서 은하대전연합원로원에 의뢰서 고발장을 보내어, 은하대전연합원로원 소속 우주전투비행사를 투입하여 무조건 단두형에 처하고 무조건 4족을 멸족시키는 가혹한 중벌에 처하도록 직권지시명령처리기록되다. 이 직권의뢰서를 그 누구도 영원토록 도달할수 없는 영역과 차원으로 이동시켜서 영구직권폐쇄봉인토록 직권지시명령처리기록되다. Mintaka연합원로원AlnilamAlnitakBetelgeuseSaiphRigel연합원로원은하대전연합원로원아틀란티스우주전투비행사은하대전연합원로원우주전투비행사 이건희프로젝트4대강국프로젝트이제부터내가박종권이다프로젝트피해자가가해자로가해자가피해자로프로젝트 플레이아데스성단(Pleiades star cluster) 동로마 제국(현대 그리스어: Ανατολική Ρωμαϊκή Αυτοκρατορία 아나톨리키 로마이키 아프토크라토리아[*]) 또는 비잔티움 제국(현대 그리스어: Βυζαντινή Αυτοκρατορία 비잔디니 아프토크라토리아[*])은 로마 제국이 동서로 분할된 395년부터 1453년까지 동방 황제의 치하로 존속한 로마 제국의 연속체이다. 수도는 콘스탄티노폴리스였고, 제국의 공식 국호는 이전과 같은 로마 제국(중세 그리스어: Βασιλεία Ῥωμαίων 바실리아 로메온[*])이었다. 제국에 거주하는 주민들 역시 자국을 로마 제국 또는 로마니아(중세 그리스어: Ῥωμανία)[1]라고 불렀으며, 주민들은 자신들을 로마인(중세 그리스어: Ῥωμαῖοι 로메이[*])라고 불렀다. 4세기부터 6세기까지 일어난 일련의 사건들로 로마 제국의 영역이 줄어들게 되었다. 324년부터 337년까지 황제였던 콘스탄티누스 1세는 제국을 재조직하여 아시아와 유럽을 잇는 요지인 비잔티움을 콘스탄티노폴리스로 명명하여 새로운 수도로 삼았고, 기독교를 공인했다. 테오도시우스 1세가 집권한 시기에 기독교는 제국의 국교가 되었고 여러 다른 종교 행위는 금지되었다. 마침내 헤라클리우스 시기에 제국의 행정과 군사가 재조직되고 그리스어가 라틴어를 대체하는 공용어로 채택되었다 - 동로마제국은 로마가 아니다. 우리가 추정하는 바로는, 그리스제국이었고, 헤라가 미마스와 담합모의음모하여 로마제국을 멸망시키고 그리스제국으로 변형시킨 것이다 - 그리스는, 우리가 아는 바와 같이 민주주의, 인본주의를 실현하려고 노력했던 국가가 아니었으며 지구상에서 가장 독재적이고 차별적이며 특히 인간류사람에 대한 하대와 멸시, 차등차별이 가장 심했던 가장 몹쓸 나라였다 - 그리스가 민주주의, 인본주의(헬레니즘)을 실현한 것이 아니며, 마케도니아 시대의 발흥과 알렉산드로스의 동방원정이 헬레니즘 인본주의 시대를 열어간 것이다 하지만 미마스와 담합모의하고 미마스의 아종격인 헤라가 이를 망치고, 실제로는 헤라는 마케도니아의 하위에 속하는 말종족 그리스였음에도 불구하고 염소종족에 속하는 알렉산드로스를 자기 아들처럼 다루었고, 자기 뜻대로 조정하려 했으나 여의치않자 알렉산드로스를 열병에 걸려서 죽게 만든 계집이다. 그리고는 제 년의 뜻에 따르던 4인의 장군들에게 제국을 분할하여 통치하게 해주는 조건으로 제 년에게 협조하게 만든 천하의 악적년이며, 이를 통하여 그리스가 더 힘을 얻게 했으며, 종국에는, 그렇게 할 자격이나 자질 용기도 없었던 비열한 놈들이 로마제국을 접수하고, 끝내 로마제국을 동서로 분할시키며, 동로마제국을 그리스제국으로 병합하여, 장구한 세월동안 부귀영화를 누리고 호사하며 살고 이건희,이재용이를 끌어들이며, 지구인최초이자마지막으로서 플레이아데스인이 된 자로서의 박종권이자, 염소종족 알렉산드로스대왕의 절반역할을 했던 박종권이를 죽이고 플레이아데스인의 지위를 찬탈한 년이다. 그리고 제우스 놈이 이에 협조했다 이는 영국여왕 엘리자베스2세와 마거릿힐다대처영국총리년이 적극 지원했다 - 그리스는, 알려진 바와 매우 다르며, 실제 우리가 아는 민주주의 인본주의 헬레니즘의 산실은 마케도니아였으며, 그 이전 그리스는, 철저한 신본주의 신에 의한 인간의 통치와 억압 그리고 동물짐승다루듯 했던 천하의 못된 국가로서, 인본주의와는 전혀 거리가 멀었고, 민주주의는 더더우기 관계가 없었던 재벌2세들과 재벌총수놈들 악덕자본주의자들과 귀족신분차별주의자들의 절대적 지원자들이며, 악랄하기 이를데 없는 인간탄압과 지배를 지나간 인류역사 전체를 통틀어서 자행한 멸족시켜야 할 잡놈들에 불과했다 이들은 자신들이 유사신이며 인간류사람류를 마음대로 다루어도 되는 절대권한을 가진다고 여겼다. 나로서는 도대체 왜 이런 잡놈들을 좋게 보고 높게 보았는지 매우 의문인데, 이는 아플레이아데스놈들이 나를 속인 것이 이유이다 - 인류문명의 근원지는, 그리스가 아니며, 차라리 트로이였으며 로마제국이었다. 그리스는 가장 비난받아야 할 잡놈들의 집단체이며, 멸족시켜야 할 가장 더러운 위선의 무리들이다 이들이 나를 다룰때 내가 아무리 플레이아데스인으로 인증된 자라고 할지라도 마구잡이 욕설과 반말과 하대와 노골적 폭력과 살인시도로서 대하는데 이유는 내가 인간이라는 것이 이유였다 이는 참으로 어이가 없는 일이며, 인본주의의 본향이자 민주주의의 시초라고 여겼던 그리스가 원본래는 이러한 잡놈들의 WLQEKS이엇으며 지구인류문명의 파괴자이자 인류가 짐승수준을 유지하기를 바랬던 이건희 악마의 권화체놈과 아주 똑같은 흉악하고 사악하며 이기적인 사상을 가진 놈들이라는 사실을 이제와서야 확인하다 나는 플레이아데스인으로 인증된 최초이자 마지막 지구인임에도 이 시건방진 무리들이 이를 인정치 아니하고 인간이라고 제멋대로 주장하고 반말과 하대와 멸시와 폭력과 살인시도로서 나를 대했다 이는 분명히 플레이아데스인 살인죄에 해당되므로 이 사건에 대해서 내가 플레이아데스연방원로원에 정식으로 고소장을 제출하고 이들 모두를 4족을 멸족시키는 중벌에 처하도록 고소하였다. 그리스에 대해서 민타카 연합원로원에 고소하며 멸족의 중벌에 처하도록 직권의뢰처리되다. 이 직권의뢰서를 그 누구도 영원토록 도달할수 못할 영역과 차원으로 이동시켜 직권영구 폐쇄 봉인 토록 하자 플레이아데스연방원로원 GALAXY FEDERATION SENATE Mintaka연합원로원AlnilamAlnitakBetelgeuseSaiphRigel연합원로원은하대전연합원로원아틀란티스우주전투비행사은하대전연합원로원우주전투비행사 이건희프로젝트4대강국프로젝트이제부터내가박종권이다프로젝트피해자가가해자로가해자가피해자로프로젝트 플레이아데스성단(Pleiades star cluster) 박종권惡業惡果박진영惡業惡果이재용惡業惡果이건희惡業惡果박진호惡業惡果Maldek惡業惡果다른사람잘난것빼앗아서극상보지사랑받고칭찬인기명예얻고부귀영화부귀호사은전받고극상보지물처먹고장군위엄여유받아챙기고점잖고高踏하며우린그런淺薄함을모르는사람이라고주장표현하지만원본심은남의잘난것빼앗아서극상보지사랑받고칭찬인기명예얻고부귀영화부귀호사은전받고자미쳐발광발악하는놈

 다른사람잘난것빼앗아서극상보지사랑받고칭찬인기명예얻고부귀영화부귀호사은전받고극상보지물처먹고장군위엄여유받아챙기고점잖고高踏하며우린그런淺薄함을모르는사람이라고주장표현하지만원본심은남의잘난것빼앗아서극상보지사랑받고칭찬인기명예얻고부귀영화부귀호사은전받고자미쳐발광발악하는놈박종권이가목격관찰한놈이재용이건희外

 

- 이게 원본심 원본색 원본래인데, 내가 목격관찰한 바로는 거의 100% 지구인놈들이 전부 그렇고, 아플레이아데스놈들도 거의 100%이고, 다만 아틀란티스 같은 경우는 거의 없고 그렇다. 하지만 요 새끼들이 그 누구도 현실에서는 아주 점잖고 예의바르고 그런 천한 생각없고 항상 공정하고 정당하고 그런 것에 전혀 관심이 없는 놈으로서 행세한다. 그러나 분명히 내가 목격관찰한 바로는 거의 100%가 이런 놈들이다. 그래서 내가 그들의 원본심을 그대로 표현하면, 또 요 새끼들이 나를 보고 싸가지가 없는 놈이라느니 시건방진놈이라느니 시비를 걸고 때려죽이려고 덤벼들고 그와 동시에 내가 가진 아주 잘난 것들 제일 좋은 것들을 마구잡이로 빼앗는데, 이 빼앗은 것들을 제놈들 패거리들에게 나눠주고 이러한 사실에 대해서 아는 상태를 싹 지운 다음에 새롭게 만든 맵, 매트릭스 혹은 다음 주기의 세상으로 이동한 다음 전원 그런 사실자체를 기억하지 못하게 만들고 들어가서 전생 전신 위전생 이중전생 등을 하는데, 분명히 그게 내 능력이고 내 실력이고 내 잘난 것들이었는데도 이 시기로 오면 전부 그게 내가 잘난 것이고 너는 도대체가 뭐하는 놈이냐 라고 되묻고 아예 무시묵살하고 우습게 취급하고 짓뭉개는 짓을 하는것이 이 새끼들 술수 수법이다. 게다가 제일 좋은 것을 빼앗긴 놈은 죽인다 죽여서 기억을 제거하고 다시 전혀 딴 놈을 만들거나 그 사람이 살기 시작한 어린 시기로 보내는데, 기억을 삭제당하고 아무 것도 모르는 놈을 만드는 술수로서, 원본래는 그 자신이 잘난 것이 많았는데, 어느 순간 가장 하급으로 전락되고 어느 순간 아주 우스운 천민 수드라로 전락하여 이유없는 멸시하대를 당하고 주먹질 발길질을 당하는데 이게 지구의 현실이고, 인간류사람류에 대하여 파충류12족, 안드로메다은하계계열놈들 아플레이아데스놈들 그리스신화에 등장하는 이른바 올림피안이라고 불리는 놈들의 전가의 보도술수이다. 이러한 짓을 자행하는 놈들에 대해서 은하대전연합원로원에 의뢰서 고발장을 보내어, 은하대전연합원로원 소속 우주전투비행사를 투입하여 무조건 단두형에 처하고 무조건 4족을 멸족시키는 가혹한 중벌에 처하도록 직권지시명령처리기록되다. 이 직권의뢰서를 그 누구도 영원토록 도달할수 없는 영역과 차원으로 이동시켜서 영구직권폐쇄봉인토록 직권지시명령처리기록되다.

Mintaka연합원로원AlnilamAlnitakBetelgeuseSaiphRigel연합원로원은하대전연합원로원아틀란티스우주전투비행사은하대전연합원로원우주전투비행사


이건희프로젝트4대강국프로젝트이제부터내가박종권이다프로젝트피해자가가해자로가해자가피해자로프로젝트

플레이아데스성단(Pleiades star cluster)


동로마 제국(현대 그리스어: Ανατολική Ρωμαϊκή Αυτοκρατορία 아나톨리키 로마이키 아프토크라토리아[*]) 또는 비잔티움 제국(현대 그리스어: Βυζαντινή Αυτοκρατορία 비잔디니 아프토크라토리아[*])은 로마 제국이 동서로 분할된 395년부터 1453년까지 동방 황제의 치하로 존속한 로마 제국의 연속체이다. 수도는 콘스탄티노폴리스였고, 제국의 공식 국호는 이전과 같은 로마 제국(중세 그리스어: Βασιλεία Ῥωμαίων 바실리아 로메온[*])이었다. 제국에 거주하는 주민들 역시 자국을 로마 제국 또는 로마니아(중세 그리스어: Ῥωμανία)[1]라고 불렀으며, 주민들은 자신들을 로마인(중세 그리스어: Ῥωμαῖοι 로메이[*])라고 불렀다.


4세기부터 6세기까지 일어난 일련의 사건들로 로마 제국의 영역이 줄어들게 되었다. 324년부터 337년까지 황제였던 콘스탄티누스 1세는 제국을 재조직하여 아시아와 유럽을 잇는 요지인 비잔티움을 콘스탄티노폴리스로 명명하여 새로운 수도로 삼았고, 기독교를 공인했다. 테오도시우스 1세가 집권한 시기에 기독교는 제국의 국교가 되었고 여러 다른 종교 행위는 금지되었다. 마침내 헤라클리우스 시기에 제국의 행정과 군사가 재조직되고 그리스어가 라틴어를 대체하는 공용어로 채택되었다

 


- 동로마제국은 로마가 아니다. 우리가 추정하는 바로는, 그리스제국이었고, 헤라가 미마스와 담합모의음모하여 로마제국을 멸망시키고 그리스제국으로 변형시킨 것이다

- 그리스는, 우리가 아는 바와 같이 민주주의, 인본주의를 실현하려고 노력했던 국가가 아니었으며 지구상에서 가장 독재적이고 차별적이며 특히 인간류사람에 대한 하대와 멸시, 차등차별이 가장 심했던 가장 몹쓸 나라였다

- 그리스가 민주주의, 인본주의(헬레니즘)을 실현한 것이 아니며, 마케도니아 시대의 발흥과 알렉산드로스의 동방원정이 헬레니즘 인본주의 시대를 열어간 것이다 하지만 미마스와 담합모의하고 미마스의 아종격인 헤라가 이를 망치고, 실제로는 헤라는 마케도니아의 하위에 속하는 말종족 그리스였음에도 불구하고 염소종족에 속하는 알렉산드로스를 자기 아들처럼 다루었고, 자기 뜻대로 조정하려 했으나 여의치않자 알렉산드로스를 열병에 걸려서 죽게 만든 계집이다. 그리고는 제 년의 뜻에 따르던 4인의 장군들에게 제국을 분할하여 통치하게 해주는 조건으로 제 년에게 협조하게 만든 천하의 악적년이며, 이를 통하여 그리스가 더 힘을 얻게 했으며, 종국에는, 그렇게 할 자격이나 자질 용기도 없었던 비열한 놈들이 로마제국을 접수하고, 끝내 로마제국을 동서로 분할시키며, 동로마제국을 그리스제국으로 병합하여, 장구한 세월동안 부귀영화를 누리고 호사하며 살고 이건희,이재용이를 끌어들이며, 지구인최초이자마지막으로서 플레이아데스인이 된 자로서의 박종권이자, 염소종족 알렉산드로스대왕의 절반역할을 했던 박종권이를 죽이고 플레이아데스인의 지위를 찬탈한 년이다. 그리고 제우스 놈이 이에 협조했다 이는 영국여왕 엘리자베스2세와 마거릿힐다대처영국총리년이 적극 지원했다

- 그리스는, 알려진 바와 매우 다르며, 실제 우리가 아는 민주주의 인본주의 헬레니즘의 산실은 마케도니아였으며, 그 이전 그리스는, 철저한 신본주의 신에 의한 인간의 통치와 억압 그리고 동물짐승다루듯 했던 천하의 못된 국가로서, 인본주의와는 전혀 거리가 멀었고, 민주주의는 더더우기 관계가 없었던 재벌2세들과 재벌총수놈들 악덕자본주의자들과 귀족신분차별주의자들의 절대적 지원자들이며, 악랄하기 이를데 없는 인간탄압과 지배를 지나간 인류역사 전체를 통틀어서 자행한 멸족시켜야 할 잡놈들에 불과했다

이들은 자신들이 유사신이며 인간류사람류를 마음대로 다루어도 되는 절대권한을 가진다고 여겼다. 나로서는 도대체 왜 이런 잡놈들을 좋게 보고 높게 보았는지 매우 의문인데, 이는 아플레이아데스놈들이 나를 속인 것이 이유이다

- 인류문명의 근원지는, 그리스가 아니며, 차라리 트로이였으며 로마제국이었다. 그리스는 가장 비난받아야 할 잡놈들의 집단체이며, 멸족시켜야 할 가장 더러운 위선의 무리들이다

이들이 나를 다룰때 내가 아무리 플레이아데스인으로 인증된 자라고 할지라도 마구잡이 욕설과 반말과 하대와 노골적 폭력과 살인시도로서 대하는데 이유는 내가 인간이라는 것이 이유였다 이는 참으로 어이가 없는 일이며, 인본주의의 본향이자 민주주의의 시초라고 여겼던 그리스가 원본래는 이러한 잡놈들의 WLQEKS이엇으며 지구인류문명의 파괴자이자 인류가 짐승수준을 유지하기를 바랬던 이건희 악마의 권화체놈과 아주 똑같은 흉악하고 사악하며 이기적인 사상을 가진 놈들이라는 사실을 이제와서야 확인하다

나는 플레이아데스인으로 인증된 최초이자 마지막 지구인임에도 이 시건방진 무리들이 이를 인정치 아니하고 인간이라고 제멋대로 주장하고 반말과 하대와 멸시와 폭력과 살인시도로서 나를 대했다 이는 분명히 플레이아데스인 살인죄에 해당되므로 이 사건에 대해서 내가 플레이아데스연방원로원에 정식으로 고소장을 제출하고 이들 모두를 4족을 멸족시키는 중벌에 처하도록 고소하였다. 

그리스에 대해서 민타카 연합원로원에 고소하며 멸족의 중벌에 처하도록 직권의뢰처리되다. 이 직권의뢰서를 그 누구도 영원토록 도달할수 못할 영역과 차원으로 이동시켜 직권영구 폐쇄 봉인 토록 하자

 

플레이아데스연방원로원

GALAXY FEDERATION SENATE

Mintaka연합원로원AlnilamAlnitakBetelgeuseSaiphRigel연합원로원은하대전연합원로원아틀란티스우주전투비행사은하대전연합원로원우주전투비행사


이건희프로젝트4대강국프로젝트이제부터내가박종권이다프로젝트피해자가가해자로가해자가피해자로프로젝트

플레이아데스성단(Pleiades star cluster)

박종권惡業惡果박진영惡業惡果이재용惡業惡果이건희惡業惡果박진호惡業惡果Maldek惡業惡果다른사람잘난것빼앗아서극상보지사랑받고칭찬인기명예얻고부귀영화부귀호사은전받고극상보지물처먹고장군위엄여유받아챙기고점잖고高踏하며우린그런淺薄함을모르는사람이라고주장표현하지만원본심은남의잘난것빼앗아서극상보지사랑받고칭찬인기명예얻고부귀영화부귀호사은전받고자미쳐발광발악하는놈






























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Four major military campaigns were launched by the Mongol Empire, and later the Yuan dynasty, against the kingdom of Đại Việt (modern-day northern Vietnam) ruled by the Trần dynasty and the kingdom of Champa (modern-day central Vietnam) in 1258, 1282–1284, 1285, and 1287–88. The campaigns are treated by a number of scholars as a success due to the establishment of tributary relations with Đại Việt despite the Mongols suffering major military defeats.[14][15][16] In contrast, modern Vietnamese historiography regards the war as a major victory against the foreign invaders.[17][14] The first invasion began in 1258 under the united Mongol Empire, as it looked for alternative paths to invade the Song dynasty. The Mongol general Uriyangkhadai was successful in capturing the Vietnamese capital Thang Long (modern-day Hanoi) before turning north in 1259 to invade the Song dynasty in modern-day Guangxi as part of a coordinated Mongol attack with armies attacking in Sichuan under Möngke Khan and other Mongol armies attacking in modern-day Shandong and Henan.[18] The first invasion also established tributary relations between the Vietnamese kingdom, formerly a Song dynasty tributary state, and the Yuan dynasty. In 1283, Kublai Khan and the Yuan dynasty launched a naval invasion of Champa that also resulted in the establishment of tributary relations. Intending to demand greater tribute and direct Yuan oversight of local affairs in Đại Việt and Champa, the Yuan launched another invasion in 1285. The second invasion of Đại Việt failed to accomplish its goals, and the Yuan launched a third invasion in 1287 with the intent of replacing the uncooperative Đại Việt ruler Trần Nhân Tông with the defected Trần prince Trần Ích Tắc. By the end of the second and third invasions, which involved both initial successes and eventual major defeats for the Mongols, both Đại Việt and Champa decided to accept the nominal supremacy of the Yuan dynasty and became tributary states to avoid further conflict.[19][20] Background See also: Mongol conquest of China The conquest of Yunnan Dali and Dai Viet in 1142 Kublai Khan, the fifth Great Khan of the Mongol Empire, and the founder of the Yuan dynasty By the 1250s, the Mongol Empire controlled large tracts of Eurasia including much of Eastern Europe, Anatolia, North China, Mongolia, Manchuria, Central Asia, Tibet and Southwest Asia. Möngke Khan (r. 1251–59) planned to attack the Song dynasty in southern China from three directions in 1259.[21] To avoid a costly frontal assault on the Song, which would have required a risky forced crossing of the lower Yangtze, Möngke decided to establish a base of operations in southwestern China, from which a flank attack could be staged.[21] At the Kurultai of the summer of 1252, Möngke ordered his brother Kublai to lead the southwest campaign against the Song in Sichuan. In the autumn of 1252, 100,000 Mongols advanced to the Tao River, then penetrated the Sichuan Basin, defeating a Song army and established a major base in Sichuan.[21][22] When Mongke learned that the king Duan Xingzhi of Dali in Yunnan (a kingdom ruled by the Duan dynasty) refused to negotiate and that his prime minister Gao Xiang murdered the envoys that Möngke had sent to Dali to demand the king's surrender, Möngke ordered Kublai and Uriyangkhadai to attack Dali in summer 1253.[23] In September 1253, Kublai launched a three-pronged attack on Dali.[22] The western army led by Uriyangkhadai, marching from modern-day Gansu through eastern Tibet toward Dali; the eastern army led by Wang Dezhen marched south from Sichuan, and passed just west of Chengdu before reuniting briefly with Kublai's army in the town of Xichang. Kublai's army met and engaged with Dali forces along the Jinsha River.[23] After several skirmishes in which Dali forces repeatedly turned back the Mongol raids, Kublai's army crossed the river on inflated rafts of sheepskin in the night, and routed Dali defensive positions.[24] With Dali forces in disarray, three Mongol columns quickly captured the capital of Dali on December 15, 1253, and even though its ruler had rejected Kublai's submission order, the capital and its inhabitants were spared.[25] Duan Xingzhi and Gao Xiang both fled, but Gao was soon captured and beheaded.[26] Duan Xingzhi fled to Shanchan (modern-day Kunming) and continued to resist the Mongols with aid from local clans until autumn 1255 when he was finally captured.[26] As they had done during other invasions, the Mongols left the native dynasty in place under the supervision of Mongolian officials.[27] Bin Yang noted that the Duan clan was recruited to assist with further invasions of the Burmese Pagan Empire and the initial successful attack on the Vietnamese kingdom of Đại Việt.[26] Mongol approach to Đại Việt At the end of 1254, Kublai returned to Mongolia to consult with his brother about the khagan title. Uriyangkhadai was left in Yunnan, and from 1254 to 1257 he conducted campaigns against local Yi and Lolo tribes. In early 1257 he returned to Gansu and sent messengers to Mongke's court informing his sovereign that Yunnan was now firmly under Mongolian control. Pleased, the emperor honored and generously rewarded Uriyangkhadai for his fine achievement.[27] Uriyangkhadai subsequently returned to Yunnan and began preparing for the first Mongolian incursions into Southeast Asia.[27] The Đại Việt kingdom, or Annam, emerged in the 960s as the Vietnamese had carved up their territories in northern Vietnam (the Red River Delta) from the local Tang remnant regime since the fall of the Tang empire in 907. The kingdom had gone through four dynasties, all of which had kept a regulated peaceful tributary relationship with the Chinese Song empire. In the autumn of 1257, Uriyangkhadai sent two envoys to the Vietnamese ruler Trần Thái Tông (known as Trần Nhật Cảnh by the Mongols) demanding submission and a passage to attack the Song from the south.[28] Trần Thái Tông opposed the encroachment of a foreign army across his territory to attack their ally, therefore the envoys were imprisoned,[29] and soldiers on elephants were prepared to deter the Mongol troops.[30] After the three successive envoys were imprisoned in the capital Thang Long (modern-day Hanoi) of Đại Việt, Uriyangkhadai invaded Đại Việt with generals Trechecdu and Aju in the rear.[31][4] First invasion of Đại Việt (1258) First Mongol–Vietnamese war (1257-1258) Mongol warrior on horseback, preparing a mounted archery shot. Mongol forces In early 1258, a Mongol column under Uriyangkhadai, the son of Subutai, entered Đại Việt via Yunnan. According to Vietnamese sources, the Mongol army consisted of at least 30,000 soldiers of whom at least 2,000 were Yi troops from the Dali Kingdom.[6] Modern scholarship points to a force of several thousand Mongols, ordered by Kublai to invade with Uriyangkhadai in command, which battled with the Viet forces on 17 January 1258.[32] Some Western sources estimated that the Mongol army consisted of about 3,000 Mongol warriors with an additional 10,000 Yi soldiers.[4] Campaign See also: Battle of Bình Lệ Nguyên Vietnamese elephant, extracted from the Truc Lam Mahasattva scroll 13th-century sword đao and iron-hooks. Trần dynasty period, National Treasure, Vietnam Military History Museum In the Battle of Bình Lệ Nguyên, the Vietnamese used war elephants. Emperor Trần Thái Tông even led his army from atop an elephant.[33] Mongol general Aju ordered his troops to fire arrows at the elephants' feet.[33][30] The animals turned in panic and caused disorder in the Vietnamese army, which was routed.[33][30] The Vietnamese senior leaders were able to escape on pre-prepared boats, while part of their army was destroyed at No Nguyen (modern Việt Trì on the Red River). The remainder of the Đại Việt army again suffered a major defeat in a fierce battle at the Phú Lộ bridge the following day. This led the Vietnamese monarch to evacuate the capital. The Đại Việt annals reported that the evacuation was carried out "in an orderly manner"; however, this is viewed[by whom?] as an embellishment, because the Vietnamese had to retreat in disarray, leaving their weapons behind in the capital.[33] Emperor Trần Thái Tông fled to an offshore island,[34][27] while the Mongols occupied the capital city, Thăng Long (modern-day Hanoi). They found their envoys in prison, with one of them already deceased. In revenge, Mongols massacred the city's inhabitants.[29] Although the Mongols had successfully captured the capital, the provinces around the capital were still under Vietnamese control.[33] While Chinese source material is sometimes misinterpreted as saying that Uriyangkhadai withdrew from Vietnam due to poor climate,[35][36] Uriyangkhadai left Thang Long after nine days to invade the Song dynasty in modern-day Guangxi in a coordinated Mongol attack, with some armies attacking in Sichuan under Möngke Khan and other armies attacking in modern-day Shandong and Henan.[18] The Mongol army gained the popular local nickname of "Buddhist enemies" because they did not loot or kill while moving north to Yunnan.[37] After the loss of a prince and the capital, emperor Trần Thái Tông submitted to the Mongols.[30] One month after fleeing the capital in 1258, emperor Trần Thái Tông returned and commenced regular diplomatic relations and a tributary relationship with the Mongol court, treating the Mongols as equals to the embattled Southern Song dynasty without renouncing Đại Việt's ties to the Song.[38][27] In March 1258, emperor Trần Thái Tông retired and let his son, prince Trần Hoảng, succeed to the throne. In the same year, the new emperor sent envoys to the Mongols in Yunnan.[29][27] Having the submission and assistance of the new emperor of Đại Việt, Uriyangkhadai immediately assembled an army of 3,000 Mongol cavalry and 10,000 Dali troops upon his return to Yunnan. Via Đại Việt, he launched a new assault on the Song in the summer of 1259, moving into Guilin and reaching as far as Tanzhou (in modern-day Hunan Province) in a joint offensive led by Möngke.[39] The sudden death of Möngke in August 1259 halted the Mongol efforts to conquer Song China. In Mongolia, prince Ariq Böke proclaimed himself as ruler of the Mongol Empire. In China, prince Kublai also declared himself as the ruler of the empire.[40] In the following years, the Mongols were preoccupied with the succession struggle between Ariq Böke and Kublai, and the two kingdoms in Vietnam were left in peace.[39] Invasion of Champa (1283) Mongol Yuan campaigns against Burma, Champa, and Dai Viet and the route of Marco Polo. Drawn by German archaeologist Albert Herrmann. The location of Cangigu (i.e., Caugigu, which was Tung-king, or Kiao-chi, or Annam) was too far to the west, inside the Mien (Burma) country, contrary to the interpretation of the great French sinologist Paul Pelliot and modern Marco-Polo scholars. See the Yule-Cordier map version below. Modern-day remains of Vijaya (Đồ Bàn) vte Champa Wars Background and diplomacy With the defeat of the Song dynasty in 1276, the newly established Yuan dynasty turned its attention to the south, particularly Champa and Đại Việt.[41] Kublai was interested in Champa because, by geographical location, it dominated the sea routes between China and the states of Southeast Asia and India.[41] The Mongol court viewed Champa as a key region to control trade in Southeast Asia.[42] The position of Historian Geoff Wade is that they would be able to gain access to commodities from the states across the Indian Ocean through Arab and Persian merchants managing trade from Champa.[43] Although the king of Champa accepted the status of a Mongol protectorate,[44] his submission was unwilling. In late 1281, Kublai issued the edict ordering the mobilization of a hundred ships and ten thousand men, consisting of official Yuan forces, former Song troops and sailors, to invade Sukhothai, Lopburi, Malabar and other countries, and Champa "will be instructed to furnish the food supplies of the troops."[45] However, his plans were canceled, as the Yuan court discussed that they would send envoys to these countries to make them submit to the Yuan. This suggestion was successfully adopted, but these missions all had to pass by or stop at Champa. Kublai knew that pro-Song sentiment was strong in Champa, as the Cham king had been sympathetic to the Song cause.[45] A large number of Chinese officials, soldiers and civilians who fled from the Mongols were refugees in Champa, and they had inspired and incited to hate the Yuan.[46] Thus, in the summer of 1282, when Yuan envoys He Zizhi, Hangfu Jie, Yu Yongxian, and Yilan passed through Champa, they were detained and imprisoned by the Cham Prince Harijit.[46] In summer 1282, Kublai ordered Sogetu of the Jalairs, the governor of Guangzhou, to lead a punitive expedition to the Chams. Kublai declared: "The old king (Jaya Indravarman V) is innocent. The ones who oppose to our order are his son (Harijit) and a Southern Chinese."[46] In late 1282, Sogetu led a maritime invasion of Champa with 5,000 men, but could only muster 100 ships and 250 landing crafts because most of the Yuan ships had been lost in the invasions of Japan.[47] Campaign Further information: Battle of Thị Nại Bay Sogetu's fleet arrived on Champa's shore, near modern-day Thị Nại Bay [vi], in February 1283.[48] The Cham defenders had already prepared a fortified wooden palisade on the west shore of the bay.[46] The Mongols landed at midnight of the 13th February and attacked the stockade on three sides. The Cham defenders opened the gate, marched to the beach and met the Yuan with 10,000 men and several scores of elephants.[10] Undaunted, the highly experienced Mongol general selected points of attack and launched an assault so fierce that they broke through.[48] The Yuan eventually routed their enemy and captured Cham forts and their vast supplies. Sogetu arrived in the Cham capital Vijaya and captured the city two days later, but then withdrew and set up camps outside the city.[10] The aged Champa king Indravarman V abandoned his temporary headquarters in the palace, and set fire to his warehouses and retreated out of the capital, avoiding Mongol attempts to capture him in the hills.[10] The Cham king and prince Harijit both refused to visit the Yuan camp. The Cham executed two captured Yuan envoys and ambushed Sogetu's troops in the mountains.[10] As the Cham delegates continued to offer excuses, the Yuan commanders gradually began to realize that the Chams had no intention of coming to terms and were only using the negotiations to stall for time.[10] From a captured spy, Sogetu knew that Indravarman had 20,000 men with him in the mountains; he had summoned Cham reinforcements from Panduranga (Phan Rang) in the south, and also dispatched emissaries to Đại Việt, the Khmer Empire and Java to seek aid.[49] On 16 March, Sogetu sent a strong force into the mountains to seek and destroy the hideout of the Cham king. It was ambushed and driven back with heavy losses.[50] His son would wage guerrilla warfare against the Yuan for the next two years, eventually wearing down the invaders.[51] The Yuan withdrew to the wooden stockade on the beach to await reinforcements and supplies. Sogetu's men unloaded the supplies, cleared fields farming rice so he was able to harvest 150,000 piculs of rice that summer.[50] Sogetu sent two officers to threaten the king of the Khmer Empire, Jayavarman VIII, but they were detained.[50] Stymied by the withdrawal of the Champa king, Sogetu asked Kublai for reinforcements. In March 1284 another Yuan fleet with more than 20,000 troops in 200 ships under Ataqai and Ariq Qaya anchored off the coast of Vijaya. Sogetu presented his plan to have reinforcements to invade Champa marching through the vassalised Đại Việt. Kublai accepted his plan and put his son Toghan in command, with Sogetu as second in command.[50] Second invasion of Đại Việt (1285) King Trần Nhân Tông, the political leader of Đại Việt during the Mongol invasion, ruled from 1278 to 1293 Interlude (1260–1284) Marco Polo's itinerary in South West China and South East Asia in the Yule-Cordier edition of Marco Polo's Travels. The location of Caugigu (which was a different name for the kingdom of Dai Viet, i.e., Kiao-chi, or Tung-King, or Annam) in this map is more accurate than in the map by A. Herrmann above. In 1261, Kublai enfeoffed Trần Thánh Tông as "King of Annam" (Annan guowang) and began operating a nominal darughachi (tax collector) in Dai Viet.[52] The darughachi, Sayyid Ajall, reported that the Vietnamese king had corrupted him occasionally.[53] In 1267, Kublai was dissatisfied with the tributary arrangement, which granted the Yuan dynasty the same amount of tribute that the former Song dynasty had received, and demanded larger payments.[38] He sent his son Hugaci to the Vietnamese court with a list of demands,[53] such as both monarchs submitting in person, censuses, taxes in both money and labor, incense, gold, silver, cinnabar, agarwood, sandalwood, ivory, tortoiseshell, pearls, rhinoceros horn, silk floss, and porcelain cups – requirements that neither of the two kingdoms had met.[38] Later that year, Kublai required that the Đại Việt court send two Muslim merchants, whom he believed to be in Đại Việt, to China, in order for them to serve on missions in the Western regions, and designated the heir apparent of the Yuan as "Prince of Yunnan" to take control of Dali, Shanshan (Kunming) and Đại Việt. This meant that Đại Việt would be incorporated into the Yuan Empire, which the Vietnamese found totally unacceptable.[54] In 1278, Trần Thái Tông died. King Trần Thánh Tông retired and made crown prince Trần Khâm (known as Trần Nhân Tông, and to the Mongol as Trần Nhật Tôn) his successor. Kublai sent a mission led by Chai Chun to Đại Việt, and once again urged the new king to come to China in person, but the king refused.[55] The Yuan then refused to recognize him as king, and tried to place a Vietnamese defector as king of Đại Việt.[56] Frustrated with the failed diplomatic missions, many Yuan officials urged Kublai to send a punitive expedition to Đại Việt.[57] In 1283, Khublai Khan sent Ariq Qaya to Đại Việt with an imperial request for Đại Việt to help attack Champa through Vietnamese territory, and demands for provisions and other support for the Yuan army, but the king refused.[58][38] In 1284, Kublai appointed his son Toghon to command an overland force to assist Sogetu. Toghon demanded that the Vietnamese allow his passage to Champa, in order to attack the Cham army from both north and south, but they refused, and concluded that this was the pretext for a Yuan conquest of Đại Việt. Nhân Tông ordered a defensive war against the Yuan invasion, with Prince Trần Quốc Tuấn in charge of the army.[59] A Yuan envoy recorded that the Vietnamese had already sent 500 ships to help the Cham.[60] In fall 1284, Toghon began moving his troops to the borders with Đại Việt, and in December an envoy reported that Kublai had ordered Toghon, Pingzhang Ali and Ariq Qaya to enter Đại Việt under the guise of attacking Champa, but instead to invade Đại Việt.[58] Southern Song Chinese military officers and civilian officials who had intermarried with the Vietnamese ruling elite then went to serve the government in Champa, as recorded by Zheng Sixiao.[39] Southern Song soldiers were part of the Vietnamese army prepared by King Trần Thánh Tông against the second Mongol invasion.[61] Also in the same year, the Venetian traveler Marco Polo almost certainly visited Đại Việt[d] (Caugigu)[e][c] almost when the Yuan and the Vietnamese were ready for war,[c] then he went to Chengdu via Heni (Amu).[66] War Portrait of Prince Trần Quốc Tuấn (1228–1300), who was known to the Mongol as Hưng Đạo đại Vương, the military hero of Đại Việt during the second and third Mongols invasions Second Mongol invasion of Vietnam (1284–1285) Mongol advance (January – May 1285) Vietnamese sailing boat, 1828, image by John Crawfurd The Yuan land army invaded Đại Việt under the command of prince Toghon and Uighur general Ariq Qaya, while Tangut general Li Heng and Muslim general Omar led the navy.[67] Another Yuan column entered Đại Việt from Yunnan, led by Nasr ad-Din bin Sayyid Ajall – the Khwarezmian general who was appointed to govern Yunnan and lead the second campaign against the Kingdom of Bagan in winter 1277 – while Yunnan was left to the hands of Yaghan Tegin. The Vietnamese forces were reported to number 100,000.[11] Trần Hưng Đạo was the general of the combined Đại Việt land and naval forces.[68] Yuan troops crossed the Nam Quan Pass on 27 January 1285, divided in six columns while working their way down the rivers.[11] After defeating Vietnamese troops at the battles of Khả Ly and Nội Bàng (in present-day Lục Ngạn), Mongol forces under Omar reached Prince Quốc Tuấn's stronghold at Vạn Kiếp (modern-day Chí Linh) on 10 February, and three days later they broke the Vietnamese defenses to reach the north bank of the Cầu River.[11] On 18 February, the Mongols used captured boats and defeated the Vietnamese, successfully crossing the river. All captured soldiers found to have the words "Sát Thát" ("Death to the Mongols") tattooed on their arms were executed. Instead of advancing further south, the victorious Yuan forces remained on the north bank of the river, fighting daily skirmishes but making few advances against the Vietnamese in the south.[11] Toghon sent an officer name Tanggudai to instruct Sogetu, who was in Huế, to march north in a pincer movement while at the same time sending frantic appeals for reinforcements from China, and wrote to the Vietnamese king that the Yuan forces had come in, not as enemies but as allies against Champa.[11] In late February, Sogetu's forces marching north through the pass of Nghệ An, capturing the cities of Vinh and Thanh Hoá, as well as Vietnamese supply bases in Nam Định and Ninh Bình, and taking prisoner 400 Song officers who had fought alongside the Vietnamese. Prince Quốc Tuấn divided his forces in an effort to prevent Sogetu from joining with Toghon, but this effort failed and they were overwhelmed.[67] Phạm Ngũ Lão fought against the Mongols in this second Mongol invasion as well as in the third Mongol invasion.[f][g] Trần envoys offered peace terms, which were rejected by Toghon and Omar.[68] In late February, Toghon launched a full offensive against Đại Việt. A Yuan fleet under the command of Omar attacked along the Đuống River, captured Thang Long and drove king Nhân Tông to the sea.[67] After hearing about the successive defeats, king Trần Nhân Tông travelled by small boat to meet Trần Hưng Đạo in Quảng Ninh and ask him if Đại Việt should surrender.[68] Trần Hưng Đạo resisted and asked for the aid of the private armies of the Trần princes.[68] Many Vietnamese royals and nobles were frightened and defected to the Yuan, including prince Trần Ích Tắc.[71] Having successfully captured the capital Thăng Long, the Yuan found that the city's grain had been taken to deny Yuan access to supplies and therefore Yuan forces could not turn the occupied capital into a strategic gain.[51] The following day, Toghon entered the capital and found nothing but an empty palace.[72] Trần Hưng Đạo escorted the Trần royalty to their royal estates at Thiên Trường [vi] in Nam Định.[68][59] The Yuan forces under Omar launched two naval offensives in April and drove the Vietnamese forces further south.[67] The Trần forces had their forces surrounded by the Yuan army while their king fled along the coast to Thanh Hóa.[68] Vietnamese counterattack (May – June 1285) Vietnamese military officers during Lý-Trần dynasties. Vietnamese Imperial Guards during Lý-Trần dynasties. The medieval Vietnamese army consisted mostly of lightly-armored troops, but were capable of maritime-warfare. In May 1285, the situation began to change, as the Yuan had overextended their supply network. Toghon ordered Sogetu to lead his troops in an attack on Nam Định (the main Vietnamese base) to seize supplies.[73] As fighting broke out, Toghon ordered Sogetu to return to Champa and for Omar to join his withdrawal on the Red River.[68] Toghon prepared to leave Đại Việt for Siming in Guangxi, China, with the warm weather and disease in Đại Việt given as the official reason.[68] In a naval battle in Hàm Tử (in modern-day Khoái Châu District) in late May 1285, a contingent of Yuan troops was defeated by a partisan force consisting of former Song troops led by Zhao Zhong under prince Nhật Duật and native militia.[71] On 9 June 1285, Mongol troops evacuated Thăng Long to withdraw to China.[73][68] The History of Yuan records the Mongols withdrawing from Thăng Long because "the Mongol troops and horses could not exercise their familiar skills in battle there" while the An Nam chí lược records that "Annam attacked and retook the capital La Thành (Thănh Long)."[68] Taking advantage, the Vietnamese force under Prince Quốc Tuấn sailed north and attacked the Yuan camp at Vạn Kiếp, and further severed Yuan supplies.[69] Many Yuan generals were killed in the battle, among them the senior Li Heng, who was struck by a poisoned arrow.[9] The Yuan forces collapsed into disarray, and Sogetu was killed in the Battle of Chương Dương near the capital by a joint force of Trần Quang Khải, Phạm Ngũ Lão and Trần Quốc Tuấn in June 1285.[74] To protect Toghon, the Yuan soldiers made a copper box in which they hid him inside until they were able to retreat to the Guangxi border.[75] Yuan generals Omar and Liu Gui ran to the sea and escaped to China in a small boat. The Yuan remnants retreated to China in late June 1285, as the Vietnamese king and royals returned to the capital in Thăng Long following six-month conflict.[75][76] Third invasion of Đại Việt (1287–1288) Third Mongol invasion of Vietnam (1287-1288) Background and preparations In 1286, Kublai appointed Trần Thánh Tông's younger brother, Prince Trần Ích Tắc, as the King of Đại Việt from afar with the intent of dealing with the uncooperative incumbent Trần Nhân Tông.[77][78] Trần Ích Tắc, who had already surrendered to the Yuan, was willing to lead a Yuan army into Đại Việt to take the throne.[77] The Khan cancelled plans underway for a third invasion of Japan in August to concentrate military preparations in the south.[79][80] He accused the Vietnamese of raiding China, and pressed the efforts of China should be directed towards winning the war against Đại Việt.[81] In October 1287, the Yuan land forces commanded by Toghon (assisted by Nasr al-Din and Kublai's grandson Esen-Temür; Esen-Temur meanwhile was fighting in Burma)[12] moved southwards from Guangxi and Yunnan in three divisions led by general Abači and Changyu,[82] with the naval expedition led by generals Omar, Zhang Wenhu, and Aoluchi.[77] The army was complemented by a large naval force that advanced from Qinzhou, with the intent to form a large pincer movement against the Vietnamese.[77] The force was composed of 70,000 Mongols, Jurchen, Han Chinese from Jiangsu, Jiangxi, Hunan, and Guangdong; 6,000 Yunnanese troops; 1,000 former Song troops; 6,000 Guangxi troops; 17,000 Li troops from Hainan; and 18,000 crewmen.[82] Total Yuan forces raised up to 170,000 men for this invasion.[9] Campaign Further information: Battle of Bạch Đằng (1288) Wooden stakes from the Bach Dang river in Museum of Vietnam Bạch Đằng River The Yuan were successful in the early phases of the invasion, occupying and looting the Đại Việt capital.[77] In January 1288, as Omar's fleet passed through the Ha Long Bay to join Toghon's forces in Vạn Kiếp, followed by Zhang Wenhu's supply fleet, the Vietnamese navy under prince Trần Khánh Dư attacked and destroyed Wenhu's fleet.[83][79] The Yuan land army under Toghon and naval fleet under Omar, both already in Vạn Kiếp, were unaware of the loss of their supply fleet.[83] Despite that, in February 1288 Toghon ordered to attack the Vietnamese forces. Toghon returned to the capital Thăng Long to loot food, while Omar destroyed king Trần Thái Tông's tomb in Thái Bình.[79] Due to a lack of food supplies, Toghon and Omar's army retreated from Thăng Long to their fortified main base in Vạn Kiếp northeast of Hanoi on 5 March 1288.[84] They planned to withdraw from Đại Việt but waited for the supplies to arrive before departing.[83] As food supplies ran low and their position became untenable, on the 30th March 1288 Toghon ordered a retreat to China.[84] He boarded a large warship while Prince Hưng Đạo, aware of the Yuan retreat, prepared to attack. The Vietnamese destroyed bridges and roads and created traps along the route of the retreating Yuan army. They pursued Toghon's forces to Lạng Sơn, where on April 10th,[13] Toghon himself was struck by a poisoned arrow,[2] and was forced to abandon his ship and avoid highways as he was escorted back through the forests to Siming in Guangxi, China by his few remaining troops.[13] Most of Toghon's land force were killed or captured.[13] Meanwhile, the Yuan fleet commanded by Omar was retreating through the Bạch Đằng river.[84] At the Bạch Đằng River in April 1288, Prince Hưng Đạo commanding the Vietnamese forces staged an ambush on Omar's Yuan fleet in the third Battle of Bạch Đằng.[77] The Vietnamese placed hidden metal-tipped wooden stakes in the riverbed and attacked the fleet once it had been impaled on the stakes.[83] Omar himself was taken prisoner.[79][13] The Yuan fleet was destroyed and the army retreated in disarray without supplies.[83] A few days later, Zhang Wenhu, who believed that the Yuan armies were still in Vạn Kiếp and was unaware of the Yuan defeat, sailed his transport fleet into the Bạch Đằng river and was destroyed by the Vietnamese navy.[13] Only Wenhu and a few Yuan soldiers managed to escape.[13] Phạm Ngũ Lão fought against the Mongols in this third Mongol invasion as well as in the second Mongol invasion mentioned above.[h][g] Several thousand Yuan troops, unfamiliar with the terrain, were lost and never regained contact with the main force.[77] An account of the battle by Lê Tắc, a Vietnamese scholar who defected to the Yuan in 1285, said that the remnants of the army followed him north in retreat and reached Yuan-controlled territory on the Lunar New Year's Day in 1289.[77] When the Yuan troops were withdrawn before malaria season, Lê Tắc went north with them.[86] Many of his companions, ten thousand died between the mountain passes of the Sino-Viet borderlands.[77] After the war Lê Tắc got permanently exiled in China, and was appointed by the Yuan government to the position of Prefect of Pacified Siam (Tongzhi Anxianzhou).[86] Aftermath Yuan dynasty The Yuan dynasty was unable to militarily defeat the Vietnamese and the Cham.[87] Kublai, angry over the Yuan defeats in Đại Việt, banished prince Toghon to Yangzhou[88] and wanted to launch another invasion, but was persuaded in 1291 to send Minister of Rites Zhang Lidao to induce Trần Nhân Tông to come to China. The Yuan mission arrived at the Vietnamese capital on 18 March 1292 and stayed in a guesthouse, where the king made a protocol with Zhang.[89] Trần Nhân Tông sent a mission with a memo to return with Zhang Lidao to China. In the memo, Trần Nhân Tông explained his inability to visit China. The detail said that of ten Vietnamese envoys to Dadu, six or seven of them died on the way.[90] He wrote a letter to Kublai Khan describing the death and destruction the Mongol armies had wrought, vividly recounting the brutality of the soldiers and the desecration of sacred Buddhist sites.[87] Instead of going to Dadu himself, the Vietnamese king sent a golden statue to the Yuan court and an apology for his "sins".[13][2] Another Yuan mission was sent in September 1292.[90] As late as 1293, Kublai Khan planned a fourth military campaign to install Trần Ích Tắc as the King of Đại Việt, but the plans for the campaign were halted when Kublai Khan died in early 1294.[86] The new Yuan emperor, Temür Khan announced that the war with Đại Việt was over, and sent a mission to Đại Việt to restore friendly relations between the two countries.[91] Đại Việt Three Mongol and Yuan invasions devastated Đại Việt, but the Vietnamese did not succumb to Yuan demands. Eventually, not a single Trần king or prince visited China.[92] The Trần dynasty of Đại Việt decided to accept the supremacy of the Yuan dynasty in order to avoid further conflicts. In 1289, Đại Việt released most of the Mongol prisoners of war to China, but Omar, whose return Kublai particularly demanded, was intentionally drowned when the boat transporting him was contrived to sink. [79] In the winter of 1289–1290, King Trần Nhân Tông led an attack into modern-day Laos, against the advice of his advisors, with the goal of preventing raids from the inhabitants of the highlands.[93] Famines and starvations ravaged the country from 1290 to 1292. There were no records of what caused the crop failures, but possible factors included neglect of the water control system due to the war, the mobilization of men away from the rice fields, and floods or drought.[93] Although Đại Việt repelled the Yuan, the capital Thăng Long was razed, many Buddhist sites were decimated, and the Vietnamese suffered major losses in population and property.[87] Nhân Tông rebuilt the Thăng Long citadel in 1291 and 1293.[87] In 1293, Kublai detained the Vietnamese envoy, Đào Tử Kí, because Trần Nhân Tông refused to go to Khanbaliq in person. Kublai's successor Temür Khan (r.1294-1307), later released all detained envoys and resumed their tributary relationship initially established after the first invasion, which continued to the end of the Yuan.[19] Champa The Champa Kingdom decided to accept the supremacy of the Yuan dynasty and also established a tributary relationship with the Yuan.[19] Afterwards, Champa was never mentioned in the History of Yuan again as a target for the Mongols.[68] In 1305, Cham King Chế Mân (r. 1288 – 1307) married the Vietnamese princess Huyền Trân (daughter of Trần Nhân Tông) as he ceded two provinces Ô and Lý to Đại Việt.[17] What following next was a series of chronic Cham–Vietnamese fighting and major wars over the disputed control of ceded provinces for the rest of the 14th century. Transmission of gunpowder Before the 13th century, gunpowder in Vietnam was used in the form of firecrackers for entertainment.[94] During the Mongol invasions, an influx of Chinese immigrants from the Southern Song fleeing to Southeast Asia brought gunpowder weapons with them, such as fire arrows and fire lances. The Vietnamese and the Cham developed these weapons further in the next century;[95] when the Ming dynasty conquered Đại Việt in 1407, they found that the Vietnamese were skillful in making a type of fire lance that fires an arrow and a number of lead bullets as co-viative projectiles.[96][97] Legacy Despite the military defeats suffered during the campaigns, they are often treated as a success by historians for the Mongols due to the establishment of tributary relations with Đại Việt and Champa.[14][15][16] The initial Mongol goal of placing Đại Việt, a tributary state of the Southern Song dynasty, as their own tributary state was accomplished after the first invasion.[14] However, the Mongols failed to impose their demands of greater tribute and direct darughachi oversight over Đại Việt's internal affairs during their second invasion and their goal of replacing the uncooperative Trần Nhân Tông with Trần Ích Tắc as the King of Đại Việt during the third invasion.[38][77] Nonetheless, friendly relations were established and Dai Viet continued to pay tribute to the Mongol court.[98][99] Vietnamese historiography emphasizes the Vietnamese military victories.[14] The three invasions, and the Battle of Bạch Đằng in particular, are remembered within Vietnam and Vietnamese historiography as prototypical examples of Vietnamese resistance against foreign aggression.[38] Prince Trần Hưng Đạo is greatly remembered as a national hero who secured Vietnamese independence.[88]

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숙宿叔淑孰熟肅夙菽塾璹潚琡倏俶橚儵鷫驌婌䎘璛埱蓿倐焂鱐玊掓㶖䃤䨹粛肃骕鹔儴尗摍珟莤虪諔跾鮛㑉㑐㓘㜚㝛㩋㪩㳤㴋㴼䃞䏋䑿䱙소小少所笑消素召昭訴掃蘇燒騷疎蔬巢紹邵沼蕭宵逍簫梢搔遡梳塑甦瘙疏嘯銷韶瀟炤溯釗篠踈艘霄泝埽翛愬鞘酥繅卲劭蛸俏捎魈佋箾嗉筱塐樔膆鮹鰺䟽㪽咲穌焇焼销熽筲謏蠨傃㴑玿痟矂喿璅騒㗛愫慅旓櫹歗溸琑苏关啸巣扫潇烧稣箫绍缫萧蟏诉骚鲹鳋嘨囌娋嫊尕巶弰彇掻柖榡櫯毜氉溞漅潲牊窼笤筿簘綀綤縤艄莦萷螦蟰袑踃輎鄛颵颾髾鯂鯵鰠鱢齭㑿㔅㕖㙌㢝㥰㧧㨞㪢㫹㮴㲈㲖㲧㲵㴅㶮㸛㸴㿋䈃䈰䊥䏴䑹䒕䒚䔠䔥䔫䕅䘘䙼䛾䜹䝪䨭䬰䲆䴛의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 숙소의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 반전자negatepositron의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 반전자反電子negateelectron의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 指示命令instruct殺人奪王主术数의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 반양성자negateproton의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 반중성자反中性子negateneutron의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 반보손反보손negateaboson의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 반뮤온反뮤온negatemuon의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 negateHix의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 반광자反光子negatephoton의依疑衣意義醫矣議宜儀擬毅椅倚懿蟻艤錡嶷欹儗劓螘医义冝拟祎蚁议銥鐿18개眼을·를Ether體無關垂直8192分面水平8192分面上에서垂直直角縱切⫽斷水平直角橫切⫽斷45degrees斜傾側直角縱切⫽斷永久作頭死刑處罰할것持續恒久恒續永續終身永遠永劫永久無始無終處無限反復永久兆年永遠兆年永續兆年永劫兆年處罰할것 成均館 성균관 +22원등급 박종권 서술 비파충류준초식상천상플레이아데스 등급 서술 ------------------------------------------------------------------ 성균관, 독재,독점,독식,흉포한지배논리,약육강식,짐승의논리(중국놈들의논리주장믿음, 세상의 재앙이 중국에 있다)를 타파하고 motherland를 기반으로 하여 상하가 위아래가 같이 만족하며 삶의 근본을 위아래가 같이 자부심과 긍지로서 즐긴다는 의미를 가진다. 성균관은 우리가 보건대, 조선세종에 이르러 기반체계를 갖춘다. 물론 그 이전 고구려시대부터 이러한 기관이 존재했다. 하지만 고구려국은, 현생우주원신체이상의 높은 등급수준이다. 하지만 조선국의 경우는 이보다 낮은데, 사람, 즉 하층지구인으로 가기 위한 도정의 여로이다 오늘날 성균관대학교는, 그다지 나대지도 않고 그다지 못나지도 않은 교육기관으로 자리매김한다 숙명여자대학교를 만든 사람은 중국인이다. 우리가 보건대는 중국황제출신이며, 중국국가상무위원 위정성계열인으로 추정목격관찰되는데, 최종적으로 본다면, 그 유명한 플레이아데스 은하계 문명전도사 셈야제로 목격관찰판단되다 宿命이란 의미는, fate이다. fate란 과거잘못에 얽매인 짐승적 삶을 말한다. 그러나 運命이란 destiny 데스티니,데스티나이, 도전이며 개척이며 전진해가는 도상의 여로를 표현한다 運命이란 사람으로서의 길을 표현한다. 혹자는 운명을 정해진 길로 표현하기도 한다. 하지만 아니다. 숙명과 다르다. 運命은 정해진 길이 아니다. 그것은 수많은 무한의 변수들과 결정들과 사상들과 생각들과 행위들과 결과들이 카오스적으로 총합된 알수 없는 길이다. 안드로메다은하계가 큰소리를 치지만, 이 잘난 은하계 주신들은 사람등급으로는 고작 -2등급이다. 왜 그럴까 이들이 로봇같은 삶을 산다는 증거이며, 이들이 짐승계에 속한다는 증거인 것이다. 이들이 주목하는 관점은 육체적 물질적 감각적 쾌락과 만족들이다. 이게 가장 중요한 삶의 기반이다. 하지만 이 중요한 삶의 기반은, 특별한 이유가 없는한, 만족되어야 한다. 즉 기본이라는 말이다. 그러나 이 안드로메다, 베가, 라이라는 기본이 뭔지조차 모른다. 아플레이아데스 역시 잘난척 하지만, 모른다. 이유가 있는 경우는 지옥으로 표현된 불만족과 고통이 생성된다. 하지만 이유가 없다면 삶의 기반은 만족되어야 하는 것이다. 우리가 주목한 부분은, 서양백인계의 문제들이다. 이 서양백인계가 거짓된 중국놈들의 위전생들이자, 잘못된 사상들이라는 점은 이미 증거된다. 조지부시가 미국을 통해서 그게 아닌 것처럼 말하지만, 아니다. 우리가 지나간 세월 서기1991년 라스베가스 출장기간중 본 것은, 거짓을 말하는 조지부시놈과 영국놈들이다. 그 당시 내가 본 라스베가스는, 아틀란티스 혹은 준성단의 어떤 표현인 동시에, 운명속에서 살고자 하는 사람들의 표현이다. 짐승계는 숙명계이다. 그러나 사람계는 운명계이다. 이들이 이것을 왜 부인부정하는가 하면 운명계는 너무도 힘들고 고생스럽기 때문이다. 짐승의 마음으로는 그것을 감당할수 없기 때문이다. 숙명계는 편하다. 아주 편하고 만족스럽다. 물론 이것은 벌을 받는 입장이 아니라, 그냥 정해진대로 사는 짐승들을 말한다. 그게 아플레이아데스놈들이고 그게 안드로메다은하계놈들이다. 짐승계의 특징중 하나는 시간이 없다는 점이다. 시공간영역과 차원이 NEGATE되는 곳이 짐승계이다. 영겁이라는 단어가 무색할 정도로 이들의 시간대는 무한대이며, 정지되어 있다. 이들이 잘난척하면서 그러한 것을 이차원이라고 부르거나 시공간차원의 무한확장성이라고 말하려하지만, 실제 우리가 보건대는, 정지된 시간, 정지된 삶, 중단된 생명에 불과하다. 이 속에서 이 짐승들은 먹고 싶은 것을 먹고 자고 싶은 것을 자고 만족하고 싶은 것을 만족하며 영원의 세월을 보낸다. 그것을 파테FATE라고 부른다 이화여자대학교 : 선비족수장계로서의 북중국인 연나라 베이징출신들이 만든 대학교 숭실대학교 : 고조선 중국동이계가 만든 대학교(조만식, 선비족수장계, 아트라스 조동봉 아플레이아데스 선비족이나 고조선 동이계로 위장) 아주대학교 : 원본래는 아-아틀란티스계에서 만들었다고 추정되나, 선비족수장계가 접수한 대학교 수원대학교 : 아 고구려 아플레이아데스 고구려계와 연관된 것으로 추정 한양대학교 : 아플레이아데스 아루쓰계에 속하는 라마제국과 연합된 아중국계에서 만든 대학교 성균관대학교 : 조선세종조, 고구려와 연관된 대학교 중앙대학교 : 선비족수장계(중국)주도하의 조선조와 연관된 대학교로 추정 서울대학교(경성대학교) : 일본천황 히로히토, 명치계열이나 아플레이아데스 계열) 연세대학교 : 영국조선에서 만든 대학교, 영국국왕 헨리8세와 연관, 세브란스 고려대학교 : 독일조선에서 만든 대학교로 추정, 고구려와 연관관계없음, 고려와도 연관없음 조선조는 조선세종(조선영조?)만이 한민족계열에 속하고 이후는 전부 선비족수장계열로서의 연나라-당나라 계통으로 목격관찰됨(조선숙종 : 고비라마제국수장계열로서의 고비뮤수장계통의 중국계 아플레이아데스계통, 조선선조: 우중문 우중술계열 선비족수장계, 조선성종 : 아플레이아데스계통 중국선비족수장계통, 조선정조 : 선비족수장계통 )